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Voting to Remain Puts Your Assets At Risk Because UK Will Be Forced to Join Euro

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If you vote to remain in the EU, not only are you destroying Britain’s sovereignty, freedom and democracy but you are also destroying the Pound Sterling — a stalwart guarantee to stability and wealth.

Because David Cameron gave away Britain’s right to veto EU treaties during his failed negotiation, the UK will be forced to agree with everything the EU says.

We will be forced to capitulate to an EU Army, where our armed forces will be ordered into military situations by a Brussels high command. The EU army which is in the process of formation, was ordered by Jean Claude Juncker, and it is not only a threat to Russia, but to NATO as well.

The Pound Sterling currency will be no more. This will precipitate a drop in the value of property across the country, and in many areas your homes will be practically worthless. Business assets, previously under the pound currency will have lower valuation under the Euro. Wages will drop by over 10% to be more in line with the Continent. The value of shares, and pensions will fall, not only from future eurozone shocks, but because the UK will be tied to a low-growth eurozone, where capital controls are heavily regulated by the European Central Bank. In the event of a downturn, Britain will not have the power to adjust its interest rates, or to implement quantitative easing.

Within the eurozone, there is a risk of bail-ins at any turn. Much like what happened in Southern Cyprus in 2013 where deposits from civilian bank accounts were confiscated by the EU, this same scenario can happen at any time in the eurozone, subject of course to the next economic crisis. When it comes to economic depressions, the EU will not hesitate in raiding bank accounts of citizens to keep the banks afloat.

Let’s say your home is valued at a reasonable £2.5 million today, if the UK remains in the EU and it is forced to join the euro, your home will be worth £450,000 in euros. In real terms, that is a loss of enormous proportions to the value of your property from its pound valuation.

The destruction of Britain hangs on the June 23 date, a day in the diary that could be the deciding factor on whether Britain Lives or Dies. Once Britain is gone, it will be gone forever, there will be no turning back from the EU as it is assimilated into the soviet bloc of already destroyed nations.

The EU’s collectivist strategy is one that entails the loss of private property. To the EU state, the individual should not own property, they should only rent, and the accumulation of equity is discouraged at all cost.

The people who have been duped into supporting ‘remain’, are most probably not fully aware of what they are doing, and have also been tricked by the likes of George Osborne and David Cameron, who are being advised by Blair and Mandelson behind the scenes.

There is only one choice on June 23 and that is to Vote Leave.

Cameron Panics Over Flagging ‘In’ Campaign

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What the ‘experts’ say on David Cameron’s claims this morning:

On promises of opt outs from Eurozone bailouts. George Osborne has said, when it comes to the EU forcing the UK to bailout Eurozone countries, the Commission has acted ‘in flagrant breach of the agreement we’d all signed up to’ in 2011.

On the rebate. George Osborne has said: ‘It is not a unilateral decision of the British Treasury or the British Government to just say, “This is our rebate. We are entitled to it. Pay up”. The way this works and has always worked is there is a negotiation with the European Commission’.

On the ability to veto future EU Treaties. George Osborne has said: ‘Rather than stand in your way, or veto the Treaty amendments required, we, in Britain, can support you in the Eurozone make the lasting changes that you need to see strengthen the euro. In return, you can help us make the changes we need to safeguard the interests of those economies who are not in the Eurozone’. David Cameron says: ‘we will not stand in the way of those developments’. His renegotiation (which he claims is ‘legally-binding and irreversible’) requires the UK to ‘facilitate’ Eurozone integration.

On an economic shock hitting the public finances. David Cameron has said that trade will continue after we Vote Leave and we should not believe scaremongering: ‘If we were outside the EU altogether, we’d still be trading with all these European countries, of course we would … Of course the trading would go on … There’s a lot of scaremongering on all sides of this debate. Of course the trading would go on’.

 

Responding to David Cameron’s comments at an impromptu press conference in London this morning, Douglas Carswell MP said:

 

‘The In campaign is in a blind panic. David Cameron’s renegotiation was a failure – no-one believes he got a deal worth the paper it was written on. Now people are rejecting his campaign of fear. The Prime Minister says we need a proper debate about the facts but he is too chicken to take on anyone from the Vote Leave campaign head-to-head.

 

‘David Cameron and George Osborne have both admitted that they have given up our right to veto future EU treaties, that the EU has ignored us in the past over bailouts and they know their guarantees on the renegotiation are about as trustworthy as their mate Nick Clegg’s pledges on tuition fees. On 23 June, the public have a choice: if they trust David Cameron and other EU politicians they should vote “in”. If not, they should Vote Leave to take back control. ‘

 

 

The six claims made by the Prime Minister: The Facts

 

 

  • The Prime Minister claims that the UK is not liable to bailout the Eurozone. The Eurozone has broken its promises before, as Osborne has admitted.
  • The Prime Minister claims the UK rebate is secure. Osborne completely disagrees with him.
  • The Prime Minister claims that we have not given up our right to veto new EU Treaties. His own renegotiation agreement and Chancellor have contradicted this.
  • The Prime Minister claims that the MFF is falling and the UK will block its increase. This is unreal.
  • The Prime Minister claims we can block an EU army. We cannot block EU permanent structured cooperation in defence and Cameron may have promised support for the proposal to Germany as part of his renegotiation.
  • The Prime Minister claimed there would not be an additional £8 billion to spend on public services. There would be £10.6 billion. Not even David Cameron believes there will be an economic shock.

 

 

The Prime Minister claims that the UK is not liable to bailout the Eurozone. The Eurozone has broken its promises before, as Osborne has admitted.

Article 122(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU still allows the Council of Ministers by qualified majority to ‘grant… Union financial assistance’ as part of ad hoc bailouts of the Eurozone.

The European Court has consistently ruled that the establishment of Eurozone-only bailout mechanisms does not affect the EU’s powers under article 122(2). In 2012, it ruled that: ‘The establishment of the ESM [European Stability Mechanism, a eurozone-only fund] does not affect the power of the Union to grant, on the basis of art.122(2) TFEU, ad hoc financial assistance to a Member State when it is found that that Member State is in difficulties or is seriously threatened with severe difficulties caused by natural disasters or exceptional occurrences beyond its control’. In September 2015, the EU’s General Court confirmed that article 122(2) ‘enables the Union to grant ad hoc financial assistance to a Member State‘.

Until this Treaty provision is changed, the UK will be liable to bailout the Eurozone. The Treaties remain unamended.

The Prime Minister previously claimed that he had secured a deal to protect the UK from Eurozone bailouts, saying ‘look too at what we have achieved already. Ending Britain’s obligation to bail-out Eurozone members’.

This promise was quickly broken. On 17 July 2015, contrary to the 2011 agreement, the Commission decided to use the EFSM to grant €7.16 billion in bridging finance to Greece. George Osborne later accepted that the Commission had acted ‘in flagrant breach of the agreement we’d all signed up to’ in 2011‘.

The new deal is in a document that is widely regarded to not be legally binding. The EU has the legal right to force the UK into Eurozone bailouts and will break its promises again.

 

The Prime Minister claims the UK rebate is secure. Osborne disagrees with him.

Not even George Osborne believes David Cameron. He has said: ‘It is not a unilateral decision of the British Treasury or the British Government to just say, “This is our rebate. We are entitled to it. Pay up”. The way this works and has always worked is there is a negotiation with the European Commission‘.

Osborne has said that: ‘the rebate involves a discussion between member states and the European Commission, which is why we were discussing with the Commission, in parallel, the size of the British rebate… If the rebate was always going to apply, and to such an extent, why did neither he nor any other Labour Member raise the matter?… we were engaged in the intensive discussions to nail down the rebate… it was not clear that the rebate would apply’.

David Cameron previously said the Blair Government’s plan to ‘give up’ the rebate in return for CAP reform ‘is not an unreasonable position’.

The Executive Director of the Britain Stronger in Europe campaign, Will Straw, has previously called for the rebate to be scrapped in its entirety.

The only legal basis for the rebate is a 2014 Council Decision which expires five years after the referendum.

 

The Prime Minister claims that we have not given up our right to veto new EU Treaties. His own renegotiation agreement and Chancellor have contradicted this.

David Cameron’s renegotiation agreement (which he claims is ‘legally binding and irreversible’) states that: ‘Member States not participating in the further deepening of the economic and monetary union will not create obstacles to but facilitate such further deepening’. It also obliges the UK to ‘refrain from measures which could jeopardise the attainment of the objectives of economic and monetary union.’. This means the UK is committing to support the planned new EU Treaty.

The Five Presidents’ Report contains the Commission’s proposals for this new Treaty. These include more powers over ‘social security systems’, ‘company law’, ‘insolvency law’, ‘property rights’ and taxation.

The Government was clear it gave up the veto in return for other member states agreeing to its renegotiation. George Osborne said: ‘So let me be candid: there is a deal to be done and we can work together. Rather than stand in your way, or veto the Treaty amendments required, we, in Britain, can support you in the Eurozone make the lasting changes that you need to see strengthen the euro. In return, you can help us make the changes we need to safeguard the interests of those economies who are not in the Eurozone’.

David Cameron has said ‘we will not stand in the way of those developments, as long as we can be sure that there are mechanisms in place to ensure that our own interests are fully protected’. He believes this happened during his renegotiation.

There is also no prospect of the UK vetoing accession Treaties, which the Prime Minister and Foreign Office strongly support.

 

The Prime Minister claims that the MFF is falling and the UK will block its increase. This is unreal.

If we vote to remain we will have lost all of our political capital. It is commonly accepted that the EU has overspent and will need to increase its spending ceilings.

A briefing note for the European Parliament states that ‘implementation of the 2014-2020 MFF has already proven to be challenging, even in its first two years… This raises questions about the functioning of the MFF through to 2020, and, in particular, about the adequacy of the agreed spending ceilings… the budgetary authority has already had to resort to almost all the special, “last-resort”, levers and flexibility instruments provided for in the MFF Regulation’.

British politicians have constantly failed to use the veto on the MFF. In 2005 when Tony Blair went to negotiate the MFF he had a veto and promised to secure fundamental changes. He ended up securing no reform but gave up half of the UK’s rebate.

 

The Prime Minister claims we can block an EU army. We cannot block EU permanent structured cooperation in defence and Cameron may have promised support for the proposal to Germany as part of his renegotiation.

The EU Treaties allow other member states to establish ‘permanent structured cooperation’ in defence. The UK has no power to block this step which would undermine NATO.

It has also been widely reported that David Cameron did a deal with Germany in which he agreed to support a euro army in return for the EU agreeing to his renegotiation.

 

The Prime Minister claimed there would not be an additional £8 billion to spend on public services. There would be £10.6 billion. Not even David Cameron believes there will be an economic shock.

He was right. The UK’s net contribution to the EU in 2015 was £10.6 billion, not £8 billion.

Claims about a shock and decline in trade which would hit the public finances have been disputed by David Cameron:  ‘If we were outside the EU altogether, we’d still be trading with all these European countries, of course we would … Of course the trading would go on … There’s a lot of scaremongering on all sides of this debate. Of course the trading would go on’.

Gove and Johnson: The PM Should Debate the Risks of Staying in the EU With Vote Leave

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In a joint statement they said:

 

‘The real risk for Britain in this referendum is voting to remain in the EU with a broken single currency and a rogue European Court. The safer choice is voting to leave, so we can take back control of our money, borders, security, trade and taxes.

 

‘If we needed a reminder of just how risky it is to remain in the EU, the European Court has today issued extraordinary judgements that undermine our ability to deal effectively with asylum.

 

‘We think that the public deserve the chance to hear these issues debated face-to-face between the Prime Minister and a spokesman for Vote Leave so they can judge for themselves which is the safer choice on 23 June. The Prime Minister was absolutely right to hold this vote and allow Ministers the chance to disagree with him. We hope that in the same spirit he will accept this invitation.’

 

 

Rogue European Court is a Threat to Our Borders

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Commenting on the European Court of Justice’s rulings this morning, Dominic Raab MP said:

 

‘These rulings by the European Court of Justice threaten the integrity of our borders, and create serious risks for our security. It’s also a stark illustration of our loss of proper democratic control to the EU over a sensitive area of policy.

 

‘The ruling increases the risk that illegal immigrants will be able to enter the UK, because it weakens the ability of other EU governments to put in place proper checks. The EU is simply not fit for purpose, and the only way to take back control is to Vote Leave on 23 June.’

 

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  1. The European Court has prevented EU member states in the Schengen Area from imprisoning persons who entered their territory from another EU member illegally without first applying the EU Returns Directive. This gives illegal entrants thirty days to return voluntarily. The decision will help illegal entrants to come to the UK. It could mean illegal migrants are released from detention.
  2. The ruling follows a marked increase in persons using forged documents to enter the UK from the EU.
  3. The European Court has also made it harder to remove asylum seekers to safe third countries within the EU. This will make it more difficult for the UK to remove illegal entrants who have already claimed asylum in another member state.
  4. The European Court also delayed removals of asylum seekers from the UK, on the sole ground their asylum application in another member state was more than three months old.
  5. The European Court has prevented EU member states in the Schengen Area from imprisoning persons who entered their territory from another EU member illegally without first applying the EU Returns Directive. This gives illegal entrants thirty days to return voluntarily. The decision will help illegal entrants to come to the UK. It could mean illegal migrants are released from detention.

Ms Affum, a Ghanaian national, was on a bus from Ghent to London. She was stopped by police officers at the entrance to the Channel Tunnel. ‘After presenting a Belgian passport with the name and photograph of another person, and lacking any other identity or travel document in her name, she was placed in police custody on the ground of illegal entry into French territory’. She was placed in administrative detention with a view to her return to Belgium.

The European Court held it was unlawful to imprison third country nationals for illegal entry unless the return procedure under EU law had been completed. The Court states that: ‘the Member States cannot permit third country nationals in respect of whom the return procedure established by Directive 2008/115 has not yet been completed to be imprisoned merely on account of illegal entry, resulting in an illegal stay’. A return decision in principle ‘shall provide for an appropriate period for voluntary departure of between seven and thirty days’. This will make it easier for illegal entrants to come to the UK.

The court held France could not exclude Ms Afum from this rule because she had entered from another country within the Schengen Area.

 

The European Court’s ruling follows a marked increase in persons using forged documents to enter the UK from the EU.

 

The EU’s own Frontex Agency has noted that: ‘The number of persons aiming to get to the UK with fraudulent document significantly increased (+70%) compared to 2014. This trend is mostly attributable to the increasing number of Albanian nationals often misusing Italian and Greek ID cards followed by Ukrainian nationals abusing authentic Polish ID cards’.

EU law permits EU nationals to enter the UK using identity cards, despite the high rate of forgery.

 

The European Court has also made it harder to remove asylum seekers to safe third countries within the EU. This will make more difficult for the UK to remove illegal entrants who have already claimed asylum in another member state.

Mr Ghezelbash is an Iranian national who applied for asylum in the Netherlands in March 2014, having already made an asylum application in France. The French authorities agreed to take him back under the Dublin Regulation. The UK is bound by the Dublin Regulation.

Mr Ghezelbash requested his application be examined ‘under the extended asylum application procedure in order to take full account of the documents produced by him’.

The Court ruled that the EU ‘did not confine itself… to introducing organisational rules simply governing relations between Member States for the purpose of determining the Member State responsible, but decided to involve asylum seekers in that process by obliging Member States to inform them of the criteria for determining responsibility and to provide them with an opportunity to submit information relevant to the correct interpretation of those criteria, and by conferring on asylum seekers the right to an effective remedy in respect of any transfer decision that may be taken at the conclusion of that process’.

The Court stated that: ‘the EU legislature did not provide for any specific link or, a fortiori, any exclusive link’ between the right to an effective remedy and the possibility that an asylum seeker might be subject to inhuman and degrading treatment.

This means that asylum seekers in the UK can object to being removed to another EU country in which they made an asylum claim, even if there is no risk of them being subject to persecution there.

 

The European Court also delayed removals of asylum seekers from the UK, on the sole ground their asylum application in another member state was more than three months old.

The Swedish Government attempted to return Mr Karim, a Syrian national, to Slovenia. He applied for asylum in 2014 in Sweden, having already done so in Slovenia in May 2013. The Slovenian authorities agreed to take him back.

The European Court held that because Mr Karim had been outside Slovenia for more than three months, his application in Sweden ‘is to be regarded as a new application giving rise to a new procedure for determining the Member State responsible’ and that ‘the Member State in which the new asylum application was made is required to complete the process for determining the Member State responsible for examining that new application’.

The Court held as a result that Mr Karim could challenge the summary decision to remove him because he had been outside Slovenia for more than three months .

Vote Leave Reveals 50 Criminals the EU Stopped Us Deporting

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EU free movement rules prioritise the rights of criminals over public safety and mean we cannot deport dangerous EU criminals. If we vote to stay in the EU, this lack of control will only increase as the European Court uses the Charter of Fundamental Rights to entrench the right of foreign national offenders to reside in the UK.

Some of the EU criminals identified include:

Learco Chindamo, an Italian national who murdered headteacher Philip Lawrence in 1995 when he went to the assistance of a 13-year-old boy who was being attacked.
Theresa Rafacz, a Polish national, who killed her husband, including by kicking him in the face with a shod foot while he lay on the ground drunk.
Andrzej Stankiewicz, who was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment for causing death by careless driving while drunk.
Jordan Epee Homb, a German, convicted of possessing of a firearm with intent to cause fear of violence, who went to his victim’s house (occupied by his mother and seven-year-old daughter). An accomplice fired a shotgun twice through the front door.
Mircea Gheorghiu, a Romanian rapist whom the Secretary of State was ordered to readmit to the UK and to grant permanent residence, after removing him from the UK.
Mantas Baibokas, a Lithuanian who was discovered in possession of 7 kg of amphetamine sulphate, hidden in a jet ski in his garage.

Commenting, Justice Minister Dominic Raab said:

‘This is yet more evidence of how EU membership makes us less safe. Free movement of people allows unelected judges in the rogue European Court to decide who we can and can’t deport. This puts British families at risk. It squanders UK taxpayers’ money on keeping them in prison – and that’s on top of the £50 million we send to the EU every day.

‘Outside the EU, we can take back control of our borders, deport more dangerous criminals, and strengthen public protection. That’s why the safer choice is to Vote Leave on 23 June.’

Being in the EU makes us less safe. EU free movement rules prioritise the rights of criminals over public safety and mean we cannot deport dangerous EU criminals. New research by Vote Leave reveals:

  • 50 cases in which the UK has been unable to deport serious criminals to the European Union because of EU law. These cases include offenders convicted of murder, rape, robbery and drug trafficking.
  • Of these 50 offenders, all but two were sentenced in the UK to terms of imprisonment exceeding one year and, had it not been for EU law, would have been subject to automatic deportation under UK law.
  • This includes six offenders convicted of homicide, 5 convicted of sexual offences and 13 convicted of drug dealing. Crimes include murder, rape, blinding a child and possession of 7 kg of amphetamine sulphate with intent to supply. In each case, EU law allowed them to stay in the UK.
  • The legal judgements preventing the removal of 46 out of 50 of the criminals were issued since the current Government took office in May 2010.
  • The Government’s renegotiation will do nothing to change this. The European Commission has said it will issue a ‘Communication’ to address the UK’s concerns, but it accepts that it ‘has no legal effect’.

The UK will continue to lack control over whether it can deport serious criminals if it votes to remain in the unreformed EU on 23 June. This lack of control will only increase as the European Court uses the supposedly ‘fundamental status’ of EU citizenship and the Charter of Fundamental Rights to entrench the right of foreign national offenders to reside in the UK. Even where the British courts have ruled offenders are ‘dangerous’, we are unable to remove them. None of these persons would have been removed under the European Arrest Warrant as they were not wanted in other EU member states.

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50 criminals that the UK has been unable to deport because of EU law

Vote Leave has identified 50 serious criminals whom the UK was unable to deport because of EU law (see the Annex for full details). The table summarises the results:

Type of offence
Part 1 Homicide 6
Part 2 Offences against the person 15
Part 3 Sexual offences 5
Part 4 Drug offences 13
Part 5 Offences of dishonesty 9
Part 6 Other offences 2

Of these 50 offenders, all but two were sentenced in the UK to terms of imprisonment exceeding one year and would have been subject to automatic deportation under UK law had they been subject to it.
In addition, the legal judgements preventing the removal of 46 out of 50 of the criminals were issued since the current Government took office in May 2010.

Homicide

Six of the 50 offenders whom the UK could not remove were convicted of offences of homicide. They include:

Learco Chindamo, an Italian national who murdered headteacher Philip Lawrence in 1995 when he went to the assistance of a 13-year-old boy who was being attacked.
Theresa Rafacz, a Polish national, who killed her husband, including by kicking him in the face with a shod foot while he lay on the ground drunk.
Andrzej Stankiewicz, who was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment for causing death by careless driving while drunk.

Offences against the person

15 of the 50 offenders whom the UK could not remove were convicted of offences against the person. They include:

LG, an Italian national, who followed a 66-year-old retired man and attacked him from behind, inflicting serious head and facial injuries, including a fracture of the skull, during a robbery. The trial judge said he was ‘a thoroughly dangerous man’.
Jordan Epee Homb, a German, convicted of possession of a firearm with intent to cause fear of violence, who went to his victim’s house (occupied by his mother and seven-year-old daughter). An accomplice fired a shotgun twice through the front door.
AB, a Polish national, who shook her three month old daughter several times, as a result of which she was left brain-damaged, confined to a wheelchair and blind.

Sexual offences

5 of the 50 offenders whom the UK could not remove were convicted of sexual offences. They include:

Mircea Gheorghiu, a Romanian rapist whom the Secretary of State was ordered to readmit to the UK and to grant permanent residence, after removing him from the UK.
MS, a Lithuanian rapist. The Tribunal said his deportation could not be justified ‘on the basis of his previous criminal conviction even of such a serious nature as rape and attempted rape’.
VW, a Lithuanian, convicted of sexual assault. The Tribunal ruled ‘the Appellant’s behaviour does not come within the serious grounds of public policy’.

Drug offences

13 of the 50 offenders whom the UK could not remove were convicted of drug offences. They include:

Mantas Baibokas, a Lithuanian who was discovered in possession of 7 kg of amphetamine sulphate, hidden in a jet ski in his garage.
Eddie Karwhoo, a French national, convicted of fraudulently evading the prohibition on importing class A drugs and sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment.
Kingsley Chukwudinma Nwanekwul, a German national, convicted of being knowingly concerned in fraudulently evading the prohibition on importing Class A drugs and  sentenced to eight-and-a-half years’ imprisonment.

Offences of dishonesty

Benedetto Vassallo, an Italian career criminal convicted on 31 separate occasions of 68 offences in the UK
Vladas Juocys, a Lithuanian national, sentenced to five years’ imprisonment ‘for very serious tax offences’, with convictions for ‘things of which he ought to be ashamed’.
Darius Kersys, a Lithuanian convicted of defrauding a vulnerable elderly neighbour he had befriended to obtain dishonestly £112,000 after he died. The Judge described the crime as ‘a mean-spirited and nasty piece of offending’.

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UK law on the deportation of foreign criminals

The Home Secretary has the power to deport foreign nationals from the UK if she considers that it would ‘be conducive to the public good’. In addition, UK law provides that a person who is (a) convicted of a serious crime and sentenced to imprisonment or (b) is sentenced to more than twelve months’ imprisonment, is subject to automatic deportation. However, this has no application where deportation ‘would breach rights of the foreign criminal under the EU treaties‘.

This means that those with a right of residence in the UK under EU law are subject to a much weaker system. As Mr Justice McCloskey has said, EU foreign national offenders fall under ‘an entirely different régime from that which applies to other immigrants’. EU law ‘purposefully make[s] it difficult to remove a person from the jurisdiction’, even if they are a criminal.

EU law on the deportation of foreign criminals

The unamended EU Treaties give every EU citizen the right to enter the UK:

  • ‘Citizens of the Union shall enjoy… the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States’ (Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.
  • ‘Every citizen of the Union shall have the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States’.

Further provision is made by the 2004 Free Movement Directive, which was given effect to in UK law on 30 April 2006; Immigration. The 2004 Directive requires that persons can only be removed for reasons:

‘based exclusively on the personal conduct of the individual concerned. Previous criminal convictions shall not in themselves constitute grounds for taking such measures. The personal conduct of the individual concerned must represent a genuine, present and sufficiently serious threat affecting one of the fundamental interests of society. Justifications that are isolated from the particulars of the case or that rely on considerations of general prevention shall not be accepted.’

The Directive makes it even harder to remove criminals from other EU member states where they have resided in the UK for a given period of time.

  • EU citizens who have lived in the UK for more than five years may only be removed on ‘serious grounds of public policy and public security’.
  • EU citizens who have lived in the UK for more than ten years may only be removed ‘on imperative grounds of public security’.

The European Court remains in ultimate control of how the Treaties and this Directive are applied in the UK. It has long held that the right to free movement must be interpreted broadly and that ‘departures from the rules concerning the free movement of persons constitute exceptions which must be strictly construed’ and that ‘exceptions to and derogations from the principle of freedom of movement… must be interpreted strictly’.

The European Court has ruled that it is unlawful to have a policy, or even a presumption that foreign national offenders convicted of specified offences are liable to removal. This includes those convicted of murder. A murderer in England and Wales can only be released if the Parole Board is satisfied that ‘it is no longer necessary for the protection of the public that the prisoner should be confined’. As a result, a murderer who is eligible for release cannot constitute the ‘genuine, present and sufficiently serious threat’ which EU law requires must exist for deportation to take place.

The difficulties caused by the European Court are demonstrated by the Government’s flagging attempts to deport CS. CS, a Moroccan national, was convicted of conveying a SIM card into prison for her father-in-law, convicted terrorist Abu Hamza al-Masri, and sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport CS. On 4 February 2016, Advocate General Professor Professor Maciej Szpunar delivered an opinion stating that it was, in principle, contrary to the EU Treaties to deport CS because she had a child who was a British citizen. If this opinion is followed by the European Court, as seems likely, it will make it much more difficult to remove her from the UK.

The UK has also been unable to remove persons whom the courts have concluded were terrorists. ZZ was an Algerian-French national who had resided in the UK between 1990 and 2005. In 2005, the Home Secretary, Charles Clarke, refused him readmission on return from a trip to Algeria and expelled him on the grounds of public security. Following a series of legal challenges, including a reference to the European Court of Justice, in 2015, the Special Immigration Appeals Commission ruled the Home Secretary, Theresa May, could not exclude ZZ from the UK because of EU law. The Commission noted that:

We are confident that the Appellant was actively involved in the GIA [Algerian Armed Islamic Group], and was so involved well into 1996. He had broad contacts with GIA extremists in Europe. His accounts as to his trips to Europe are untrue. We conclude that his trips to the Continent were as a GIA activist’.

eu-crime in uk

The Government’s renegotiation will not solve the problem

The Government claims that the renegotiation means it will be able to ‘prevent dangerous EU nationals from coming to the UK and make it easier to deport them if they have been living in the UK’. This is false. The renegotiation does not in any way relax the onerous requirements of EU law which prevent the UK deporting dangerous criminals.

There is no proposal to amend the Treaties or the 2004 Free Movement Directive. The proposals agreed at the European Council will be contained ‘in a Communication’ to be issued by the European Commission. As the Commission accepts, a ‘Communication is a policy document with no mandatory authority. The Commission takes the initiative of publishing a Communication when it wishes to set out its own thinking on a topical issue. A Communication has no legal effect’.

The Commission’s declaration states that the UK ‘may take into account past conduct of an individual in the determination of whether a Union citizen’s conduct poses a “present” threat to public policy or security’. Yet the European Court has already ruled that a previous conviction can ‘be taken into account in so far as the circumstances which gave rise to that conviction are evidence of personal conduct constituting a present threat’. This did nothing to aid the removal of the 50 criminals discussed in this paper.

The Commission’s declaration also states that member states ‘may act on grounds of public policy or public security even in the absence of a previous criminal conviction on preventative grounds but specific to the individual concerned’. Yet the European Court ruled this was the law in 1974 in the first case referred to that court after the UK joined the EU.

The Government’s proposals will have no legal status and are, in any event, merely restatements of the status quo. The situation is only likely to get worse. The European Court has already claimed EU citizenship is the ‘fundamental status’ of the nationals of every EU member state.

The European Court believes that the right of EU criminals to freedom of movement defeats the rights of British citizens to live in safety. If we remain, the European Court will continue to prioritise EU criminals’ ‘rights’ ahead of public safety. In addition, the Charter of Fundamental Rights creates a new right for all EU citizens to move freely and reside within the EU. This will cement the European Court’s control of whether criminals can stay in the UK.

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Part 1. Homicide
#1        Learco Chindamo

  • In 1995, Chindamo, who is an Italian citizen, murdered the headteacher Philip Lawrence who went to help a 13-year-old boy who was being attacked. He was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1996.
  • Chindamo was released in 2010 but recalled to prison due to accusations he intimidated and robbed a man at a cash machine, charges of which he was later acquitted.
  • In 2007, Mr Justice Collins ruled that removing Chindamo would be ‘disproportionate’ under EU law‘.

#2        FV (Italy)

  • FV, an Italian national, was convicted of the manslaughter of Edward Mitchell by reason of provocation in 2002. He inflicted at least 20 blows to the head with weapons, including a hammer, before strangling Mr Mitchell with a flex from an iron. He was sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment. FV had previous convictions for assaulting police, driving a motor vehicle while unfit through drink or drugs, and driving while disqualified. The Secretary of State ordered his deportation.
  • Nonetheless, in September 2012, the Court of Appeal ruled his deportation was inconsistent with EU law because, in light of rulings of the European Court, ‘imperative grounds’ did not exist to justify his deportation.

#3        Theresa Rafacz

  • On 18 July 2009, Rafacz, who is a Polish national, killed her husband, including by kicking him in the face with a shod foot while he lay on the ground defenceless and drunk.
  • She admitted manslaughter, with Mr Justice Hart ruling the offence involved ‘gratuitous violence’. She was sentenced to four years’ imprisonment.
  • Nonetheless, Mr Justice Blake ruled EU law prevented her removal, stating that there was ‘no basis’ which could ‘justify her deportation on the grounds of public policy‘.

#4        Andrzej Stankiewicz

  • In 2010, Stankiewicz was convicted of causing death by careless driving while under the influence of alcohol and sentenced to five years’ imprisonment. He was three times over the limit. The sentencing judge stated that he was ‘driving at a higher rate of speed, apparently out of control and weaving about on both sides of the carriageway’ before colliding with the deceased.
  • In July 2014, the Upper Tribunal in Glasgow ruled that his removal would contravene his rights under EU law.

#5        AZ (Hungary)

  • AZ, a Hungarian citizen, ‘was convicted on 19 December 2011 of causing death by dangerous driving and sentenced to 4 ½ years imprisonment and disqualified from driving for 5 years. To be entirely clear, a married man, a father, a son of a lady who had already lost another son, was killed as a result of the appellant’s dangerous driving.’ The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • On 25 July 2014, the Upper Tribunal highlighted ‘the need to distinguish EEA deportation cases from those of other foreign national criminals’, and ruled AZ’s deportation would be contrary to EU law.

#6        Joao Pedro Correie Lopes

  • In 2012, Lopes, a Portuguese national, was sentenced to four years’ imprisonment for causing the death of an elderly woman, Nora Gutmann, by dangerous driving and to twelve months for knowingly causing a recording of false data relating to his lorry tachograph.
  • ‘This conviction came on top of another incident in February 2009 when a cyclist went under the wheels of his lorry and died for which he received three points on his licence and a £200 fine.’ The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In July 2015, the Upper Tribunal noted its powers in respect of criminals from the EU are limited, stating: ‘Had we been applying UK law governing deportation of foreign criminals we may well have concluded that his deportation was both lawful and proportionate, but the claimant is an EEA national and his case must be decided under the relevant EU law provisions‘. The Tribunal concluded his removal would be inconsistent with EU law.

Part 2. Offences against the person
#7        LG (Italy)

  • LG, an Italian national, was convicted of robbery and inflicting grievous bodily harm with intent: ‘in the early hours of Saturday 29 January 2000, LG had followed a 66 year old retired man and attacked him from behind, inflicting serious head and facial injuries, including a fracture of the skull. LG robbed the victim of his wallet, leaving him lying in the road.’
  • The trial judge said the offence was ‘a brutal, senseless, cowardly attack upon an elderly gentleman’, stating: ‘you are a thoroughly dangerous man…I don’t think for offences of robbery of this type it gets much worse’. His sentence was reduced on appeal to nine years.
  • LG had several other previous convictions, including for obtaining property by deception in 1996, obtaining services by deception, theft, and robbery. For the robbery in 1997, he received a sentence of three years and 28 days’ imprisonment.
  • In April 2009, Lord Justice Carnwath, sitting in the Asylum and Immigration Tribunal, stated that while LG did present a risk to public security, ‘we do not think that the decision to deport LG was justifiable’ under EU law and allowed his appeal against deportation.

#8        Jordan Epee Homb

  • Between 2005 and 2010, Homb, a French citizen, ‘incurred several convictions, involving mainly simple possession of drugs, with one offence of criminal damage and another of assault’. In February 2011, he was convicted of ‘possession of a firearm with intent to cause fear of violence’ and sentenced to 4-and-a-half years’ imprisonment. He went to the victim’s house (which was occupied by the victim’s mother and seven-year-old daughter) to scare him. An accomplice fired a shotgun twice through the front door. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In February 2014, Mr Justice McCloskey, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, noted that as an EU citizen, Homb ‘has to be dealt with under an entirely different régime from that which applies to other immigrants’ and ruled his deportation would be inconsistent with EU law.

#9        Andrei Zaharia

  • In 2012, Zaharia, a Romanian citizen, was convicted of two offences of wounding with intent to cause grievous bodily harm against a previous boyfriend of his girlfriend who was stabbed with a knife along with a bystander. Zaharia was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State ordered his deportation.
  • In January 2014, the Upper Tribunal found that ‘there is no basis to remove’ him under EU law.

#10      Daha Essa

  • In January 2007, Essa, a Dutch national, committed a robbery at knife point: ‘He contested his guilt at trial; showed no remorse or awareness of the terrifying nature of his conduct on his victim who was trapped in an empty railway carriage at the time of the events.’ He had a previous conviction for handling stolen goods.
  • Nonetheless, on 19 July 2013, Mr Justice Blake, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, concluded that ‘deportation now for the conduct leading to his conviction would be disproportionate’ under EU law.

#11      AB (Poland)

  • In 2010, AB, a Polish national, ‘shook her three month old daughter several times in order to stop her crying, as a result of which her daughter suffered severe and life-threatening injuries leaving her brain-damaged, confined to a wheelchair and blind. That occurred at a time when the appellant was on her way out to meet a male who had been in contact with her via a sex search website’. She was convicted of inflicting grievous bodily harm and perverting the course of public justice for lying about the injuries and sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport her.
  • The Upper Tribunal said, in allowing her appeal, that: ‘We consider it necessary to stress at this point that considerations that would have been significant and relevant in a non-EEA deportation case, such as deterrence and public revulsion, simply do not apply in this case. We are fully aware that the appellant’s offence was a shocking one and that the repercussions are extensive, leaving a young child permanently disabled and with the prospect of a truncated life. Had this been an ordinary deportation case such other considerations, taken together with the appellant’s circumstances in general, may well have led us to conclude that deportation was justified and in the public interest. However the appellant is an EEA national and, as such, she benefits from the protection of the EEA Regulations to which we are required by law to defer. Accordingly we find that there is only one decision we are able to reach, namely that the appellant’s deportation would be in breach of the EEA Regulations‘.

#12      MG (Portugal)

  • MG, a Portuguese national, had a conviction for child cruelty and three counts of assault, against her own children and was sentenced to twenty-one months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State refused her a residence card and ordered her deportation on grounds of public policy and public security.
  • Nonetheless, on 14 May 2014, the Upper Tribunal, following a ruling of the European Court in the same case, decided that: ‘it has not been shown that there are either grounds or serious grounds of public policy or public security’, allowing MG to remain in the UK.

#13      Nathan Oduro Beko Quiafo

  • Quiafo, a Dutch national, has ‘an unedifying record of United Kingdom criminality’. He received a warning for assault occasioning actual bodily harm in 2004, and then a reprimand for drug possession. In 2006, he committed two offences of robbery. He later committed several drug offences. In 2010, he was arrested in possession ‘of larger supplies of unspecified Class A drugs, more than required for his personal use’. While on bail, he committed an attempted robbery. He was imprisoned for four years for attempted robbery and possession with intent to supply.
  • In 2012, after the Secretary of State decided to deport him, he appealed and won on the grounds ‘that he had shown remorse, and his girlfriend was pregnant.’ He then committed further drug offences, including possession of cannabis with intent to supply and driving without a licence, failing to provide a specimen for analysis, failing to comply with a ‘no entry’ sign, and driving while uninsured.
  • The Secretary of State decided to deport him (again). The Immigration Judge held this was to ‘breach the claimant’s rights as an EEA national under the community treaties in respect of residence’. This decision was upheld by the Upper Tribunal.

#14      Jacek Straszewski

  • In June 2010, Straszewski, a Polish national, while drunk, ‘attacked another man with a broken glass, causing serious injuries to his face and neck’, pleading guilty to unlawful wounding for which he was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment. While on bail for that offence, he burgled a house containing two young women, punching and kicking them before making his escape. He pleaded guilty to two counts of robbery and was sentenced to 42 months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • Nonetheless, the Court of Appeal ruled that his deportation was inconsistent with EU law.

#15      Awale Madar

  • Mardar, a Dutch national, had four convictions for theft, a conviction for disorderly behaviour in a public place, a conviction for three separate offences of cannabis possession, a conviction for obstructing a police officer in the execution of his duty, a conviction for handling stolen property and two convictions for robbery. For the robberies, he was sentenced to three-and-a-half-years’ detention. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • On 3 June 2014, the Upper Tribunal ruled that deportation would be ‘disproportionate‘ under EU law.

#16      Lukasz Tomasz Wozniak

  • Wozniak, a Polish national, had a lengthy criminal record, including convictions for careless driving, failing to surrender to custody, theft from shops, fraudulent use of vehicle documents, driving while uninsured, and breach of a conditional discharge.
  • On 11 December 2011, he was sentenced to thirty-two months’ imprisonment for offences of robbery. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • Upper Tribunal Judge Perkins held as a matter of EU law that ‘I cannot agree that his conduct qualifies him for removal and therefore I must and do allow the appeal’.

#17      Dariush Farhand

  • Farhand, a Danish national, had a criminal record which Mrs Justice Andrews said showed ‘an unedifying portrait of a young man who is prepared to put the lives of others at risk by driving with excess alcohol in his bloodstream, and who in more recent years has been prone to violence whilst under its influence.’ He was convicted of causing grievous bodily harm while serving a suspended sentence for assault occasioning actual bodily harm and sentenced to thirty months’ imprisonment. The trial judge described the offence as a ‘serious, senseless, unprovoked attack late at night.’
  • In November 2014, Mrs Justice Andrews, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, stated that his deportation would be ‘disproportionate’ under EU law.

#18      Marian-Ionut Creanga

  • Creanga, a Romanian national, ‘was first reprimanded for being drunk and disorderly in December 2010. He received a warning for battery in March 2011; was fined for disorderly behaviour or threatening abusive or insulting words likely to cause harassment alarm or distress in November 2011 and fined for shoplifting in April 2012. The index offence is his conviction for attempted robbery on 13 July 2012 following a plea of guilty at Isleworth Crown Court. On 21 September 2012 he was sentenced to 30 months imprisonment.’ The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • On 24 March 2014, Mr Justice Kenneth Parker, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, ruled that this was illegal under EU law.

#19      Arqr Wazny

  • In April 2011, Wazny, a Polish national who was convicted of violent disorder and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment after attacking Royal Marine Nigel Leppington in Dorset, who intervened when the gang which Wazny led attacked Leppington’s neighbour.
  • However, an immigration tribunal permitted him to remain in the UK because of his right to private and family life.

#20      Emil Damian Bejlik

  • Bejlik, a Polish national, was convicted of two offences of robbery and sentenced to one year and sixteen months’ imprisonment. The offences involved him and an accomplice snatching mobile phones from women in Bury town centre at night. One of the victims had a piercing ripped during the struggle. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In October 2013, the Upper Tribunal ruled EU law meant that he could not be removed from the UK.

#21      Melvin Luis Cavallo

  • Cavallo, an Italian citizen, was convicted of assault to severe injury and robbery and sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The Upper Tribunal ruled that ‘serious grounds of public policy were not established‘ which could justify his removal, which was in contravention of EU law.

Part 3. Sexual offences
#22      Mircea Gheorghiu

  • Gheorghiu, a Romanian national, entered the UK without leave in January 2007. In November 2007, he was convicted of driving a motor vehicle with excess alcohol, fined and disqualified from driving for 20 months.
  • It later emerged that he had ‘a criminal record in Romania. In 1990 he was convicted of the offence of rape and sentenced to 6 years imprisonment. Between 2001 and March 2002 he was convicted on three occasions of forestry offences, cutting timber without a licence, and received custodial sentences on the last two occasions.’
  • The Secretary of State removed him from the UK in March 2015.
  • Nonetheless, on 18 November 2015, Mr Justice Blake, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, decided this was unlawful under EU law, ruling Gheorghiu must be ‘reunited with his family as quickly as possible’ and that he was ‘entitled to a permanent residence on his return and the residence card issued to him will reflect that’.

#23      MS (Lithuania)

  • MS, a Lithuanian national, pleaded guilty to rape and attempted rape of his partner and was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him on grounds of public policy. The Secretary of State accepted that ‘the appellant’s deportation could not be justified simply on the basis of his previous criminal conviction even of such a serious nature as rape and attempted rape.’
  • The Upper Tribunal ruled: ‘the appellant cannot be removed or deported as an EU national‘.

#24      VW (Lithuania)

  • VW, a Lithuanian national, entered the UK in 2005. On 8 August 2013, he was convicted of sexually assaulting a woman and later that year was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport VW.
  • The Immigration Judge found that VW was ‘not remorseful for the behaviour that he inflicted upon the victim’, but nevertheless decided that ‘the Appellant’s behaviour does not come within the serious grounds of public policy’, and therefore under EU law could not be deported.
  • On 27 October 2015, Mr Justice Holgate, sitting in the Upper Tribunal (Asylum and Immigration Chamber) dismissed the Home Secretary’s appeal, ruling the ‘decision must stand’.

#25      VB (Lithuania)

  • VB, a Lithuanian national, was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment ‘for offences involving the trafficking of women for prostitution’. The Crown Court Judge recommended that she be deported.
  • On 26 October 2008, Senior Immigration Judge Richard McKee held that there was nothing ‘to justify her deportation’ in EU law.

#26      MP (Portugal)

  • MP, a Portuguese national, entered the UK in October 2000. ‘Between 11 October 2002 and 17 September 2013, the appellant was convicted on ten occasions for seventeen offences, including one sexual offence, three offences against the person, four public order offences, two relating to the police and courts and one drugs offence. On 20 August 2013, at Mold Crown Court, the appellant was convicted of assault occasioning actual bodily harm contrary to s.47 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861 and sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment.’ The Secretary of State decided to deport him on grounds of public policy.
  • In April 2015, the Upper Tribunal ruled that his deportation was inconsistent with EU law.

Part 4. Drug offences
#27      Mantas Baibokas

  • Baibokas, a Lithuanian citizen, first came to the attention of the authorities in 2008 for driving while under the influence of alcohol and for using a vehicle without a test certificate. In 2012, he was convicted of possession of amphetamine with intent to supply, after 7 kilogrammes of amphetamine sulphate were found in a jet ski in his garage. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In February 2014, Mr Justice Jay, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, stated ‘expulsion cannot be justified on the grounds of public policy and would be in breach of the EEA Regulations‘.

#28      Eddie Karwhoo

  • Karwhoo, a French national, was convicted of the fraudulent evasion of the prohibition on the importation of a Class A drug and was sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • On 25 November 2013, Lord Matthews, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, concluded that deportation would be ‘unlawful’ under EU law.

#29      HAD (Austria)

  • HAD, an Austrian citizen, was convicted in 2011 ‘of possessing a class A controlled drug with intent to supply’ and sentenced to 8 years and 6 months’ imprisonment.
  • On 27 July 2015, the Upper Tribunal ruled that his deportation would be inconsistent with EU law.

#30      Kingsley Chukwudinma Nwanekwu

  • In 2011, Nwanekwu, a German citizen, was convicted of being knowingly concerned in fraudulent evasion of prohibition or restriction on importation of Class A controlled drugs, and was sentenced to a term of imprisonment exceeding eight-and-a-half years.
  • The Secretary of State decided he should be deported from the UK.
  • In May 2015, Upper Tribunal Judge Reeds found that this decision was ‘disproportionate’ and inconsistent with EU law. He explained that ‘the legal regime for deporting EU criminals is different and can properly described as more restrictive than that for foreign national criminals… the Appellant’s criminal conviction, whilst serious, cannot justify a decision to deport him as an EU national on public policy grounds‘.

#31      AA (Nigeria/Norway)

  • AA was a Nigerian with Norwegian citizenship whose case was governed by the Free Movement Directive because that Directive is incorporated into the European Economic Area agreement.
  • In August 2010, AA ‘was convicted of the importation of one kilogram of a class A drug, cocaine, and was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment.’ The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The Upper Tribunal Judge stated that he was ‘bound to express my disquiet at the case of an individual who has committed so serious an offence as to merit a period of six years imprisonment being permitted to remain in the United Kingdom’.
  • Nonetheless, both the Upper Tribunal and the Court of Appeal agreed that his removal would be contrary to EU law.

#32      Justin Ewengue

  • Ewengue, a French national, was convicted of ‘four counts of possession of control drugs (class A) with intent to supply and one count of possession of class A drugs. He was sentenced to four years 10 months on each count to run concurrently.’ Between April and December 2012, he had a ‘significant role’ in the ‘commercial supply’ of drugs at street level. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In May 2015, the Upper Tribunal found that, as a matter of EU law, there ‘were no imperative grounds of public security to justify the removal of the Appellant‘ and that ‘his removal could not be justified’.

#33      Siegnerella Elaine Flaneur

#34      Siegnette Elaine Flaneur

  • Flaneur, a Dutch national, was apprehended at Belfast Airport in connection with the attempted importation of 136 grammes of cocaine. She was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport her.
  • The Court of Appeal in Northern Ireland quashed the deportation order on the ground it was inconsistent with EU law.

#35      Bruno Ferreira Melo

  • Melo, a Portuguese national, was convicted of attempted importation of LSD into the UK and sentenced to twenty months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The Upper Tribunal ruled that his removal would be contrary to EU law.

#36      Rui Paulino Cardoso Viera De Almedia

  • De Almedia, a Portuguese national, was ‘convicted of fourteen offences on nine occasions’, including the supply of Class A drugs, for which he was sentenced to sixteen months’ imprisonment in 2012. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In November 2013, the Upper Tribunal decided that EU law prevented his removal.

#37      Tomasz Kazimierz Michalik

  • Michalik, a Polish citizen, was convicted of abstracting electricity and production of cannabis as part of a ‘commercial operation’. He was sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The Upper Tribunal ruled it would be illegal under EU law to remove him to Poland.

#38      Alberto Braganca Cassama

  • Cassama, a Portuguese national, arrived in the UK in 2012 and in 2013 was sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment for conspiracy to supply cocaine and cannabis.
  • On 11 August 2014, the Upper Tribunal allowed his appeal against deportation from the UK on the grounds that it would be inconsistent with EU law.

#39      Marcin Zajaczkowski

  • Zajaczkowski, a Polish national, was convicted of cultivating cannabis and sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In August 2014, this decision was ruled to be illegal under EU law.

Part 5. Offences of dishonesty

#40      Benedetto Vassallo

  • Vassallo, an Italian national has been convicted on 31 separate occasions of 68 offences in the UK, including ‘numerous offences of burglary’, which, ‘have resulted in custodial sentences ranging in length from 14 days to 54 months.’
  • He has also been convicted in Switzerland ‘for burglary, criminal damage and a public order offence’ and in Sweden ‘for burglary’.
  • In May 2012, he was sentenced to 28 months’ imprisonment for the burglary of an elderly couple’s home. The Secretary of State ordered his deportation.
  • However, in January 2016, the Court of Appeal ruled this was inconsistent with EU law.

#41      Dimitris Tsavdaris

  • Tsavdaris, a Greek national, ‘has been convicted of 20 criminal offences, the first in October 1999. On 2nd July 2004, he was sentenced to 30 months imprisonment for an offence of permitting premises to be used for the supply of Class A drugs. On 14th October 2005 he was convicted of theft from a motor vehicle and destruction of property, for which he was sentenced to 2 months imprisonment. He was released from prison on 16th February 2005.’
  • The Secretary of State decided to deport him, and he was detained for that purpose between 28 May and 5 December 2006. He was then released unconditionally.
  • In February 2014, Mrs Justice Lang ruled that in light of the difficulties EU law put in the way of his deportation, his detention was unlawful, entitling him to damages.

#42      Joseph Miranda

  • Miranda, a Portuguese citizen, was convicted in December 2013 of burglary with intent to steal. He had previous convictions for robbery in 2003, six offences of theft and deception between 2005 and 2007, three offences of false representation between 2007 and 2013, shoplifting, and failing to surrender to custody in 2013. The Secretary of State ordered his deportation.
  • The Upper Tribunal Judge said that ‘there are not in this appeal imperative grounds of public security to be considered, however unpleasant it may be for members of British society to have to endure and suffer from the criminal activities of the appellant‘ and that his removal was inconsistent with EU law, despite the fact he was a ‘persistent and public offender’.

#43      Raimodas Budraitis

  • Budraitis, a Lithuanian citizen, was first convicted in the UK for burglary in 2008 and for a second time in 2009. Thereafter, he was convicted of shoplifting. In total, he has 11 convictions for 23 offences, including several in Lithuania. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • This was ruled to be contrary to EU law by the Upper Tribunal.

#44      Carlos Miguel Lopas Cristo

  • Cristo, a Portuguese citizen, accumulated 11 convictions for 17 offences, ‘including 11 theft and kindred offences and six offences relating to police/courts/prisons’. He was then convicted of shoplifting and sentenced to 20 weeks’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The Upper Tribunal ruled that deporting him to Portugal would be inconsistent with EU law.

#45      Vladas Juocys

  • Juocys, a Lithuanian national, was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment ‘for very serious tax offences’. He had previous convictions for ‘things of which he ought to be ashamed’, including driving with excess alcohol, driving while uninsured, failing to surrender to custody, and interfering with an insurance document with intent to deceive. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • In December 2013, the Upper Tribunal noted: ‘It is trite law that EEA nationals who commit criminal offences in the United Kingdom are not in the same position as foreign nationals. The power to make a deportation order against them is regulated by the European Economic Area Regulations of 2006 which purposefully make it difficult to remove a person from the jurisdiction if they are in fact an EEA national.‘ It ruled his removal would be illegal under EU law.

#46      Darius Kersys

  • In January 2013, Kersys, a Lithuanian national, ‘was convicted of three offences of identity fraud, by which he and his wife used bank cards belonging to a vulnerable elderly neighbour whom they had befriended in order to obtain sums of money totalling about £112,000 from his bank account after his death’. The Judge described the crime as ‘a mean-spirited and nasty piece of offending’ and sentenced him to two-and-a-half years’ imprisonment .
  • The Court of Appeal ruled that his removal was inconsistent with EU law, with Lord Justice Moore-Bick stating the case ‘falls far short’ of the threshold for deportation.

#47      Mubarik Essa

  • Essa, a Dutch national, was convicted of conspiracy to defraud and was sentenced to 27 months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The First-tier Tribunal ruled ‘it is not shown that imperative grounds of public security are made out’, holding that removal would be contrary to EU law. The Upper Tribunal dismissed the Secretary of State’s appeal.

#48      Mohammed Essa

  • Essa, a Dutch national, was convicted of conspiracy to defraud and was sentenced to 27 months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State decided to deport him.
  • The First-tier Tribunal ruled ‘it is not shown that imperative grounds of public security are made out’, holding that removal would be contrary to EU law. The Upper Tribunal dismissed the Secretary of State’s appeal in October 2014.

 

Part 6. Other offences

#49      Arturs Visockis

  • Visockis, a Latvian national, was convicted of shoplifting, then for four counts of theft and breach of a conditional discharge. In 2012, he was sentenced to thirty seven months’ imprisonment for escape from lawful custody and burglary.
  • In November 2013, the Upper Tribunal ruled his removal would be contrary to his rights under EU law.

#50      Bento Helder De Oliveira

  • De Oliveira, a Portuguese national, was convicted of a ‘serious offence‘ and sentenced to 20 months’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State’s attempts to deport him were held to be illegal under EU law.

 

 

Ten Jumps That Are Just Too Difficult!

 

It’s not only jumping over holes that gets so frustrating.

Jumping up onto ledges, jumping from one rope to another, it doesn’t matter where the jump is, some jumps are just too difficult to master, and they become a case of luck rather than skill!

We’ve put together a list of jumps that we are sure you will find just as infuriating as we do!

1• Ecco the Dolphin
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This jump from out the water to ledge just mocks you. Honestly though, in our (many!!) years of gaming, Ecco the Dolphin, and Ecco: The Tides of Time are the only two games that truly made me feel like I accomplished something once I beat them.
Old school hard, very frustrating – and these days those emotions would make me completely quit a game. For some reason, this stupid (… but loveable!) game made me keep playing it!

2• Destiny

2a
Destiny – Crota’s End Hard – Hunter Lamp Jump. This jump is proving more and more difficult amongst all Destiny video game players, so we managed to find some tips for you should you still be having trouble…
– Hold down the jump button on both the first and second jump to get the most out of both
- Don’t sprint, just hit forward and jump at the same time
- Time the second jump at the very peak of your first jump
- Have a weapon that gives +2 agility when held.

MIDA Multi-Tool is even better if you have it

. After jumping up to the second level, switch Fleet Footed to Shadowjack.

3• Wreckfest

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The sandpit track jumps are epic, but this jump is absolutely awesome. It’s something you can mess around with, and is so much fun to do. It’s hard to nail it like a pro, but you can keep going back to attempt it again and again.

Try to get a little bit of a run up and try to make your entry somewhat smooth to make this jump. There is jumps all over the place and mounds around but doing this should give you a general idea of what’s needed to beat this jump.

4• The Crew

4
From Yellowstone down the highway to The Ski Jump, this jump is amazing, but to jump it to perfection you don’t want to hit the snow banks or else you will go flying in the air in the wrong direction. Use nitrous in 5th gear to get the best oomph before take-off.

5• The Crew Wild Run

5
This insane Grand Canyon jump is just mental! You need nitrous for this thing if you are going to do well at this jump, and a drag spec car may come in handy too if you want to pull this off otherwise you might not even make it. To get a gold medal for this jump you will need the fastest car in the game.

6• GTA V – Parachute Jumps

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There are 13 parachute jumps overall in the game that will become unlocked after completing the first mission. To complete the game 100% you need to complete all the jumps, but that’s a lot easier said than done. Especially with Parachute Jump #10: ‘Carving The Mountain’ in the mix.

Up near Cassidy Creek, this one is the Southwest jump. This is a rather long jump and the hardest of the lot, with a total of seven checkpoints to get through. If you manage to0 get through all the checkpoints and get a decent landing you are looking at around $5000 for a reward. Nice!

7• GTA V – Stunt Jump Richman – Los Santos

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Not necessarily the hardest jump around, but trying to line your buggy up on the run up to the jump is a challenge within itself. Master this jump to gain more trophy’s and show off exactly what you can achieve.

8• Dennis The Menace

8
Ocean decided that instead of finishing a game because they ran out of budgets, they would be extra harsh and add in a jump at the end of the game that was impossible to beat!! Yes that’s right, there are some evil people living amongst us. If you ever had trouble doing this jump. Well now you know why. On the plus side, this issue only seems to be on the Omega A500 release of the game.

9• Dick Tracey

9
You get to the clue, but actually jumping at it is another mission altogether! You can never tell what is actually a platform and just a part of the background. There is a platform above the clue that you jump on to when attempting to jump into the clue. Could they have put this clue in a more unreachable spot!

10. Trials Fusion

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Last but not least, it has to be the ultimate jump game around, Trials. If you just love jumps on a motor-crosser then you have got to give Trials a go. There are easy, medium rated, and super hard levels for you to choose from. How can you possibly not make these jumps?

So there you have it, ten of the most difficult video game jumps you are ever likely to face. Do you think you have what it takes to master them all?

sponsored

‘Dodgy Dave’ Says Vote Leave FACTS are ‘Con Trick’

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Responding to the BSE campaign’s press release accusing Vote Leave of a ‘con trick’, Vote Leave Chief Executive Matthew Elliott said:

 

‘This is desperate stuff from an increasingly desperate campaign. Number 10 are panicking and are resorting to petty personal attacks because they know they are losing the arguments. People are rejecting their pessimistic campaign of doom in favour of our positive vision for Britain’s future.

 

‘We have set out a series of pledges about how life will be better if we take back control. We want to invest more in the NHS, create 300,000 jobs through new trade deals, cut energy bills for families and introduce a new Australian style points-based immigration system. The only way to get those changes is to Vote Leave on 23 June.’

dodgy_dave

Defence Minister Says EU Threatens Our National Security

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Speaking at a debate with Shadow Defence Secretary Emily Thornberry MP at RUSI, Mr Brazier will highlight how it has been NATO – rather than the EU – which has kept the peace in Europe, and that decisions by the European Court, and uncontrolled migration weaken the UK’s ability to keep its citizens safe.

 

Mr Brazier points out how the forerunner of the current troubled Eurozone, the Latin Monetary Union from 1864 – 1927, set the economic context for the origins of the First World War in the Balkans and Southern Europe:

Prosperity is a friend of peace … poverty drives discontent. So, rather than stabilising Europe, this early attempt at monetary union helped to create the unhappy economic conditions which contributed to Europe’s slide towards the First World War.

It is NATO, underpinned by American military might which has kept Europe from another war after 1945 – not the (then) EEC.

 

Mr Brazier gives examples of how EU legislation undermines our forces at the working level:

‘If you ask any young officer today, what is the worst part of the job, it is endless paperwork.

 

‘Military drivers are subject to EU mileage limits… so exercises have to be planned around this constraint… sometimes have to stop altogether if limits are broken.

 

‘Again…all civilian posts have to be advertised to meet EU regulations. So imagine … the top expert in some branch of aviation technology has just reached his 55th birthday and wants to continue as a civilian.  MoD cannot simply re­employ him. His job has to be advertised, shortlisted and filled… sometimes many months later.’

‘… this reminds us of the way the EU sees defence… as another routine area for exerting bureaucratic control… rather than a vital and risky business.’

 

He will illustrate how this bureaucratic mind-set has failed in military crises in Europe:

‘First the two stage fallout from the breakup of Yugoslavia. The EU encouraged Bosnia to declare its independence from Yugoslavia. So where was it when the killing started and the Americans… understandably… said it was European business?

 

‘Slow off the mark while tens of thousands died… NATO had to pick up the pieces.

 

‘And again…when the West confronted Serbia over Kosovo, and the Serbs drove a million refugees out of their homes… EU countries queued up to say they were unwilling to put boots on the ground.’

 

Turning to the Ukraine crisis, Mr Brazier will describe how the ‘EU poked the bear in a way that was decidedly risky’:

‘The EU got into the dangerous position of provoking the Russians… and did so without the military means to defend its will…

‘…it was Ukrainian citizens who paid the price in Russia’s brutal reaction … And America was ahead of the EU in applying economic sanctions.’

 

On the prospect of further European integration in defence, he will say that it undermines NATO and is an unnecessary extra cost when defence spending is low across the EU:

‘This is just one more attempt to set up a structure duplicating NATO. Do we need more headquarters when European defence spending averages only 1.3% of GDP?’… At the height of operations in Afghanistan, many European NATO members were having difficulties deploying just dozens of troops at a time. Many non-NATO EU members barely deployed troops at all. Many of those who went were restricted by caveats, such as no flying at night or no combat patrols beyond a certain distance from a base.

 

Mr Brazier points to decisions by the European Court of Justice which interfere with the UK’s national security:

‘The ECJ is considering whether our proposal to build a mass surveillance database infringes European privacy rules. So European judges are to decide what information we need to keep our citizens safe. The same court ruled that we could not deport Abu Hamza’s daughter because his baby grandson had EU citizenship.’

 

Cases like this already threaten the exemption of essential security matters from EU override, and the surrender of our veto over other countries moving ‘forward’ further adds to risks of us being sucked into EU defence structures we oppose:

If the ECJ is willing to consider this case, despite the national veto on security issues, in Article 346, what else may we face cases over? The court has a long history of overriding states’ vital interests even ignoring pledges publicly made – those given to Denmark after their referendum on membership have been overruled 79 times. Who knows what will be next? Perhaps procurement of military equipment… the commission had a go at the Czechs over buying aircraft for operations in Afghanistan. Perhaps failing to participate in new structures set up by other countries within the EU?

‘As a 2014 brief from the EU institute for Security Studies put it ‘It is now crystal clear that Article 346 is neither an automatic exclusion of defence from EU Law, nor a provision limiting EU competence.’

 

Mr Brazier says that the UK will continue to cooperate with European partners in NATO and on an ad hoc basis on defence matters after we Vote Leave:

‘Of course, leaving the European Union does not mean ending valuable sovereign arrangements with our most trusted European allies…

… Because of course, besides continuing with all our other arrangements… from bilateral… to coalitions of the willing… to joint procurement projects… we will all remain members of the overarching structure of our defence and security… that is NATO.’

 

He will conclude that in this referendum, the status quo is not on the ballot paper:

‘A vote to remain is a vote for uncontrolled immigration and even more of our legislation dictated by Brussels, with a growing proportion affecting our armed forces and national security.

‘A vote to leave means we can take back control of our laws. We can continue trading with Europe but engage directly with the fastest growing economies in the world outside the EU. And… crucially… we can take control of our borders.

If Britain Remains in EU We Will Lose Our Rebate

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The Chancellor of the Exchequer has made clear the rebate is a discretionary grant which is subject to annual renegotiation: ‘It is not a unilateral decision of the British Treasury or the British Government to just say, “This is our rebate. We are entitled to it. Pay up”. The way this works and has always worked is there is a negotiation with the European Commission’.

The rebate has no basis in the Treaties. It’s only existence is in article 5 of Council Decision 2014/335/EU. This expires in 2021, so the rebate could be abolished entirely in the event of a vote to stay.

During David Cameron’s ‘EU negotiations’ the UK lost its last bargaining chip veto, and if we remain in the EU we will be vulnerable to any changes the EU wish to implement on the UK.

Iain Duncan Smith: “They know that that right to veto gave us quite a strong position to stop development in the European Union which we did not want.

“We have given it away and that makes our position, if we vote to remain, even weaker than it was before.

“So don’t be fooled by the idea that there is some negotiation that we undertook.”

When the EU starts to negotiate the next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), the rebate will certainly be on the table again. Many other EU countries would like to see it scrapped or reduced.

But with the EU leaders required to approve the MFF unanimously, the UK which previously could have used its veto power would now be powerless because of David Cameron’s loss during the recent ‘EU negotiations’ which did not achieve any real concessions, but also lost Britain’s last bargaining chip in the EU.

Perhaps David Cameron is attempting to undo all the great work achieved in the past..

Gove: The Optimistic Case For Taking Back Control of Our Borders, Money and Democracy

 

Michael Gove’s optimistic, positive view of a Brexit is a refreshing change from Prime Minister, David Cameron’s negative campaign where scaremongering the populace was the aim.

There has been a definite positive reception from the public on Michael Gove’s message and the polls are reflecting this change in tempo in the EU referendum.

The positive points Gove makes bring forth forward-looking initiatives as opposed to Remain’s horrific visions of imprisonment within an EU system of enslavement.

Introducing a points-based immigration system, concentrating on our NHS, and supercharging the economy. The UK  does not need to send £19.1 Billion to Brussels each year after we Vote to Leave on June 23. We do not have to send £350 million per week for little in return. Our businesses will be freed from expensive EU regulations costing them £33.3 Billion per year.

The message is that Britain can break free, we can return to democratic governance once again, we can spend our money on our own priorities, we can control our borders, and ultimately we can break free from an EU that has no freedom or democracy costing the UK billions every year.

We Will Vote Leave on June 23.

 

 

There is already a crisis in the housing market which could be relieved if we Vote Leave.

The 2011 census showed that 1.1 million households were overcrowded.

The construction industry suggests that the UK is already ‘1 million homes short of the number it needs to meet its housing needs’.

If net migration continues at current levels, there is almost no chance of today’s overcrowding or undersupply being addressed. Shelter has already noted that: ‘Each year we build 100,000 fewer homes than we need, adding to a shortage that has been growing for decades’.

 

Turkey and four other countries are joining the EU. This will place a major burden on the NHS and housing.

The accession process is being accelerated. On 4 May 2016, the European Commission announced that: ‘The accession process will be re-energised, with Chapter 33 to be opened… and preparatory work on the opening of other chapters to continue at an accelerated pace’.

David Cameron strongly supports this. In 2010, Cameron said he was ‘angry’ at the slow pace of Turkish accession, that he was the ‘strongest possible advocate for EU membership’ for Turkey, and that ‘I want us to pave the road from Ankara to Brussels‘. In 2014, he said that: ‘In terms of Turkish membership of the EU, I very much support that. That’s a longstanding position of British foreign policy which I support’.

The Government admitted it supported Turkish accession last month. Last month, the Europe Minister, David Lidington, said: ‘The UK supports Turkey’s EU accession process.

The British public will not get a vote on the accession of Turkey to the EU. The European Union Act 2011 allows the Government to ratify EU accession treaties without a referendum. There was no referendum on the accession of Croatia to the EU in 2013 (European Union.

The Government opposes giving the British people a say. As the Minister for Europe, David Lidington, said in 2011: ‘A few years ago, 10 new member states joined the European Union at the same time. I believe that their combined population then was 73 million, which is slightly greater than Turkey’s population is now. I do not believe that anybody in this country argued at that time that a British referendum on those accessions was right’.

The UK is paying £2bn to help Turkey, Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia to join the EU. Turkey alone is set to receive over £1 billion of UK funds to help prepare it for membership.

 

There will be no staff shortages in the NHS if we Vote Leave: hiring skilled workers from abroad will become easier.

Leaving the EU would affect the UK’s ability to attract skilled migrants from the EU to work in the NHS.

11% of doctors are from the European Economic Area, whereas 25.7%, or 70,404 are from the rest of the world. This is despite the stringent restrictions that apply to migrants from outside the EU coming to the UK.

If we Vote Leave, we can prioritise those with the skills our NHS needs and we can end the open door to the rest of Europe.

 

The safer option for British steel is to Vote Leave.

The EU Treaties in principle prohibit ‘any aid granted by a Member State or through State resources in any form whatsoever which distorts or threatens to distort competition by favouring certain undertakings’, which might have an affect on trade between member states. Aid must be approved by the EU institutions to be lawful.

The European Commission‘s own guidelines on state aid are explicit. They provide that ‘the Commission considers that rescue aid and restructuring aid for firms in difficulty in the steel sector… are not compatible with the common market’. European Commissioner Margrethe Vestager said in January ‘EU state aid rules don’t allow public support for the rescue and restructuring of failing steelmakers‘.

Public procurement is controlled by EU law. It is illegal under EU law for the public sector to be required to purchase British steel.

 

There is no guarantee of the border between Gibraltar and Spain remaining open in the event of a vote to remain, as the pro-EU Government of Gibraltar has conceded.

The Chief Minister of Gibraltar, Fabian Picardo QC MP, has conceded that: ‘the European Commission has failed to act with the speed or with the clarity required to really show it is defending the treaty rights of persons crossing our frontier. The Commission has also failed to act decisively to enforce our rights to access the single sky aspects of the EU’. This directly contradicts the Foreign Secretary’s claim today that ‘Gibraltar’s future is clearly in the European Union’s single market’.

There is no certainty that the border will remain open in the event of a vote to remain in the EU. In August 2013, the European Commission stated that Spain was ‘obliged to carry out checks on persons and on goods’ when crossing the frontier.

 

 

Expelling British citizens from the EU would be illegal.

As the former Head of the EU Council’s Legal Service, Jean-Claude Piris, has said: ‘Those with permanent residency in EU states could stay’.

Article 19(1) of the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights states that: ‘collective expulsions are prohibited’.

 

The UK has no influence in the EU institutions which are unaccountable to the British public.

Every time the UK has voted against a measure in the Council of Ministers, it has been outvoted This is happening with increased frequency: of the UK’s 72 defeats, over half (40) have occurred in the last five years.

The UK’s representatives are often outvoted in the European Parliament as well. The majority of UK MEPs voted against 576 EU proposals between 2009 and 2014, but 485 still passed.

The UK has lost 101 cases in the European Court since it joined the then European Economic Community in 1973, a failure rate of 77.1%. The current Government has lost 16 out of 20 cases in the European Court, a failure rate of 80%.

 

The rogue European Court is keeping dangerous people in the UK.

Terrorists. In 2015, the Special Immigration Appeals Commission ruled the UK could not exclude ZZ from the UK because of EU law, despite the fact that he was a suspected terrorist. The Commission concluded that: ‘We are confident that the Appellant was actively involved in the GIA [Algerian Armed Islamic Group], and was so involved well into 1996. He had broad contacts with GIA extremists in Europe. His accounts as to his trips to Europe are untrue. We conclude that his trips to the Continent were as a GIA activist’.

Killers. EU law prevents us from removing serious criminals, such as violent killer Theresa Rafacz, a Polish national who killed her husband, including by kicking him in the face with a shod foot while he lay on the ground defenceless and drunk. Mr Justice Hart ruled the offence involved ‘gratuitous violence’. She was sentenced to four years’ imprisonment. Nonetheless, Mr Justice Blake later ruled that EU law prevented her removal, stating that there was ‘no basis’ which could ‘justify her deportation on the grounds of public policy’.

Rapists. Mircea Gheorghiu, a Romanian national, entered the UK without leave in January 2007. In November 2007, he was convicted of driving a motor vehicle with excess alcohol, fined and disqualified from driving for 20 months. It later emerged that he had ‘a criminal record in Romania. In 1990 he was convicted of the offence of rape and sentenced to 6 years imprisonment. Between 2001 and March 2002 he was convicted on three occasions of forestry offences, cutting timber without a licence, and received custodial sentences on the last two occasions.’ The Secretary of State removed him from the UK in March 2015. Nonetheless, on 18 November 2015, Mr Justice Blake, sitting in the Upper Tribunal, decided this was unlawful under EU law, ruling Gheorghiu must be ‘reunited with his family as quickly as possible‘ and that he was ‘entitled to a permanent residence on his return and the residence card issued to him will reflect that’.

 

If we Vote Leave, we can cut VAT on fuel.

Charging VAT on energy bills imposes disproportionate costs on low income households, which must spend a greater proportion of their income on necessities such as heating and lighting. The lowest decile on average spends 9.1% of average household income on electricity, gas and other fuels. The average UK household spends 4.9% of its income on energy, while the top decile spends just 3.1% of its income on energy.

European Union law prevents the UK from cutting VAT on household energy bills. Article 102 of the 2006 EU Directive on the common system of VAT permits the UK to ‘apply a reduced rate to the supply of natural gas, electricity or district heating’. However, the Directive requires that the reduced rate must ‘not be less than 5 %‘. This means the UK cannot reduce VAT on household energy bills below 5%, its current level.

If we Vote Leave, we will be able to scrap VAT on household energy bills, as the UK will have left the EU’s common system of VAT. Each household on average spends £25.80 per week on electricity, gas and other fuels, or £1,341.60 per year. Subtracting VAT of 5% would reduce this figure to £1,277.70, a saving of £63.89 per household.

 

Last year, 270,000 persons came to the UK from the EU, the equivalent of a city the size of Newcastle.

In 2015, 270,000 persons came to the UK from the EU. This is the equivalent of a city the size of Newcastle. This is up from 264,000 in 2014.

In 2015, net migration from the EU was 184,000. This is the equivalent of adding a city the size of Oxford to the UK population. This is up from 174,000 in 2014.

Total net migration in 2015 was 333,000, up from 313,000 in 2014.

 

The Prime Minister has categorically failed to reduce net migration to the tens of thousands as he repeatedly promised.

The 2010 Conservative Manifesto promised that ‘we will take steps to take net migration back to the levels of the 1990s – tens of thousands a year, not hundreds of thousands’.

In his 2014 conference speech, Cameron described: ‘Numbers that have increased faster than we in this country wanted at a level that was too much for our communities, for our labour markets. All of this has to change – and it will be at the very heart of my renegotiation strategy for Europe. Britain, I know you want this sorted so I will go to Brussels, I will not take no for an answer and when it comes to free movement – I will get what Britain needs’.

The 2015 Conservative Manifesto stated the Government would ‘keep our ambition of delivering annual net migration in the tens of thousands’.

In her speech to the 2015 Conservative Party conference in Manchester, the Home Secretary, Theresa May, said: ‘not all of the consequences can be managed, and doing so for many of them comes at a high price… But even if we could manage all the consequences of mass immigration, Britain does not need net migration in the hundreds of thousands every year… The evidence – from the OECD, the House of Lords Economic Affairs Committee and many academics – shows that while there are benefits of selective and controlled immigration, at best the net economic and fiscal effect of high immigration is close to zero.  So there is no case, in the national interest, for immigration of the scale we have experienced over the last decade. Neither is it true that, in the modern world, immigration is no longer possible to control… The numbers coming from Europe are unsustainable and the rules have to change’.

 

The UK population is rapidly expanding as a result of migration from the EU. Over 1.25 million persons have been added to the UK population since 2004, more than the population of Birmingham.

Since 2004, 1,257,000 persons have been added to the UK population as a result of net migration from the EU.

This is bigger than the population of Birmingham.

 

Last year, 77,000 persons came from the EU looking for work.

In 2015, 77,000 persons came to the UK from the EU who were looking for work, without a definite job offer. This is up from 63,000 in 2014.

If this rate of migration of jobseekers continues for a decade, 777,000 jobseekers will come to the UK as a result. This is greater than the population of Glasgow.

 

The Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Home Secretary promised EU migrants should have to have a job offer to come to the UK.

In November 2014, the Prime Minister, David Cameron, promised that ‘we want EU jobseekers to have a job offer before they come here… So let’s be clear what all these changes taken together will mean. EU migrants should have a job offer before they come here’.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne, has said: ‘What we’re going to address is this question of how freedom of movement operates in the 21st century. It was never envisaged that you would have such large numbers of people coming, people coming who don’t have job offers’.

The Home Secretary, Theresa May, has argued: ‘when it was first enshrined, free movement meant the freedom to move to a job, not the freedom to cross borders to look for work… we must take some big decisions, face down powerful interests and reinstate the original principle underlying free movement within the EU’.

 

The Prime Minister did not even ask for this as part of the renegotiation as it was illegal under EU law.

The renegotiation agreement notes that EU citizens are ‘entitled to reside… [in the UK] solely because of their job-search‘.

The demand that EU migrants must have a job offer was not contained in the Prime Minister’s letter to Donald Tusk of November 2015 or his Chatham House speech of the same day.

This is because it is illegal under EU law. As early as 1991, the European Court held that the ‘Treaty entails the right for nationals of Member States to move freely within the territory of the other Member States and to stay there for the purposes of seeking employment’.

 

A former senior International Monetary Fund economist, Ashoka Mody has said the establishment’s view is fundamentally wrong. He is a visiting professor at Princeton University. He has said: ‘Consensus amongst economists quickly unravels. In April 1999, “Britain’s top academic economists” voted strongly in favour of switching from the pound to the euro. Mercifully, the government had better sense… economics is neutral on whether to leave or remain. The battle for Brexit must be fought on other grounds… he claim that Brexit will impose a huge cost rests on the twin beliefs that British trade with Germany will go down sharply and trade with the United States will not increase. Is that reasonable? First, British trade with Germany will not decline significantly. As economists have long known, trade is embedded in business and social networks into which partners invest enormous social capital. Studies repeatedly show that businesses make accommodations in profit margins to retain the benefits of trust and reliability. For this reason, all productive trading relationships will remain intact. For this reason too, German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble’s threat that renegotiation of Britain’s trade arrangements with the EU would be “most difficult” and “poisonous” is bluster. Germans run a trade surplus with Britain. Mr Schaeuble can humiliate the IMF, but he dare not hurt the interests of his exporters (or his importers). And even if British trade with the EU falls, trade with other regions will undoubtedly increase’.

 

The OECD recommended British entry into the euro. This would have been a disaster for the economy and for jobs.

In 1999, the OECD stated: ‘The introduction of the euro delivers a number of benefits. These include reduced transaction costs associated with trade and financial interactions with other euro area countries, no intra euro area exchange rate risk, greater overall price stability and sharpened price transparency. Lower exchange rate risk also implies that interest rate risk premia should be small, and therefore lower borrowing costs in many countries. These benefits will complement the single market in goods and services and are likely to reinforce the long-run efficiencies associated with the single market. The European Commission estimated nine years ago that the direct static benefits of monetary union linked to lower transaction costs could be around 1/2 a per cent of EU GDP, equivalent to around $40 billion a year. Recent studies have estimated larger gains (up to 1 per cent of GDP). EMU is also likely to generate endogenous consequences such as more transparent prices unleashing stronger competitive forces, possibly fewer policy induced shocks compared with the past as a result of the stability-oriented macroeconomic policy framework and it may serve as a catalyst to speed-up structural changes’.

In 2000 it was reported that the OECD wanted the UK to join the euro: ‘Britain told: economy is ripe for euro… The government’s attempt to keep the lid on the debate over joining the euro until after the election was undermined yesterday by an independent report from the world’s top economic thinktank which said the British and core European economies were close to converging. In spite of strenuous efforts by the Treasury to delete mention of anything remotely contentious, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s regular healthcheck on the UK economy said that in some respects the UK would soon be more like Euroland than some of the new currency zone’s existing members’.

It was also reported that: ‘Britain is more suitable to join the euro single currency than many of its existing members as the difference in output and GDP growth rates are continually narrowing, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation & Development said today’ (Evening Standard, 8 June 2000).

The author of the study, Vincent Koen, said: ‘If Greece is deemed fit to join, it would be strange if the UK wasn’t’.

 

The OECD said the Exchange Rate Mechanism would benefit Britain. It was a disaster.

In December 1990, the OECD said: ‘while the benefits are potentially great, ERM participation constitutes an ambitious strategy for the United Kingdom’ (Xinhua General News Service, 20 December 1990).

‘Pointing out the full members of the European Monetary System have an average inflation rate of slightly more than 4%, compared to 8.3% in Britain, OECD economists make clear their support for a quick decision by the British government on joining the exchange-rate mechanism of the system’ (The Financial Post, 30 June 1989, p. 7).

In October 1990, the UK joined the ERM. The ERM caused interest rates to rise to 15%, led to millions of households going into negative equity and unemployment reaching 2.9 million in 1993. The resulting ‘Black Wednesday’ debacle that resulted from Britain’s membership of the ERM cost the UK economy £3.3bn, according to HM Treasury analysis. The UK economy recovered rapidly after leaving the ERM.

 

The IMF has been consistently wrong about its forecasts for the UK economy. It is wrong now. The Government has previously condemned the IMF’s errors.

The IMF has tried to talk Britain’s economy down before – but its negative forecasts for the UK economy have been consistently wrong. In 2013 the IMF’s chief economist, Olivier Blanchard, warned that Britain’s growth prospects were very low. When challenged, the Chief Economist responded: ‘I am right and they are wrong’. His estimates turned out to be inaccurate and UK growth was much stronger than he predicted.

The IMF later had to accept that it was wrong about its warnings for the UK. Christine Lagarde later admitted that she had ‘underestimated’ the strength of growth when the IMF assessed the UK economy in 2013.

The IMF has made other major errors of forecasting. In June 2013, the IMF was forced to admit it had issued ‘economic projections that were too optimistic‘ about its joint austerity programme with the EU in Greece.

Even the Head of the IN campaign has dismissed siren voices like the IMF’s. The Chairman of the IN campaign, Lord Rose of Monewden, has admitted that there are no short-term risks in voting to leave, stating: ‘Nothing is going to happen if we come out of Europe in the first five years … There will be absolutely no change … It’s not going to be a step change or somebody’s going to turn the lights out and we’re all suddenly going to find that we can’t go to France, it’s going to be a gentle process’.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer has previously been very critical of the IMF. In April 2014, the Chancellor made a speech to the American Enterprise Institute which was widely perceived to be a direct attack on the IMF for its previous negative forecasts about the British economy. Mr Osborne said: ‘pessimistic predictions that fiscal consolidation was incompatible with economic recovery have been proved comprehensively wrong by events… many of those same pessimists have now found new grounds to be gloomy about our future… I want to explain why I believe both of these predictions will be proved wrong too… I have a different prescription. My message today at the IMF is this. The pessimists said our plan would not deliver economic growth. Now they say economic growth will not deliver higher living standards. They were wrong about the past and they are now wrong about the future‘.

 

Other ‘experts’ have been disastrously wrong

65% of economists backed scrapping the pound.

 

World leaders do support leaving the EU.

The former Australian Prime Minister, John Howard, has said that Britain should leave the EU.

 

Wages will rise if we Vote Leave as the IN campaign has admitted.

The Chairman of the IN campaign, Lord Rose of Monewden, believes this claim. He has admitted that: ‘the price of labour will go up‘ in the event of a vote to leave (Evidence to Treasury Committee, March 2016, link).

A BlackRock report in February co-written by Rupert Harrison, a former close advisor to the Chancellor, said leaving the EU could mean ‘lower immigration [which] could make labour scarcer in the long run, pushing up wage costs’. The Bank of England has found that ‘the immigrant to native ratio has a small negative impact on average British wage’. The study found that ‘immigrants in recent years are most predominant in low-skill occupations’. The study concluded that: ‘the biggest effect is in the semi/unskilled services sector, where a 10 percentage point rise in the proportion of immigrants is associated with a 2 percent reduction in pay’.

 

Trade in cars will continue.

If we Vote Leave, we will strike a free trade deal with the EU, meaning jobs in the car industry will be protected. In 2014, the UK had a £26 billion trade deficit in road vehicles with the remaining 27 members of the EU.

 

The EU’s economic policies to date have had the opposite effect to that intended.

Academic studies show the EU’s austerity policies have had the reverse effect to what was intended,with Germany becoming more competitive and Greece becoming less competitive. Between 2007 and 2013, ‘the pattern of adjustment within the eurozone has been dramatically perverse, with Germany having improved competitiveness by 9 percent and with Greece’s having deteriorated by 9 percent’.

 

Economic policies in the Eurozone have caused severe problems for states in the Southern Mediterranean.

Youth unemployment in Greece is 51.9%. In Spain, it is 45.5%.

In 2015, public debt in Greece was 176.9% of GDP. In Italy, it was 132.7%.

The mean suicide rate in Greece rose by 35% between 2010 and 2012. Suicides in Spain have risen by 20 per cent since the start of the economic crisis.

Average net earnings for a single person without children in Greece fell by 17% between 2010 and 2015.

 

The UK does pay £350 million to the EU each week

The ONS says £19,107 million (or £367 million per week) is the UK’s ‘total debits’ in favour of the EU institutions.

It is wrong to say this figure is misleading. The Chair of the UK Statistics Authority, Sir Andrew Dilnot, has said that ‘The UK’s gross contributions to the EU in 2014 were £19.1 billion, according to the latest official statistics available’. The Head of the Statistics Authority, Sir Andrew Dilnot CBE, has said: ‘Yes, the £19.1 billion figure is a legitimate figure for gross contributions… the official statistics are the £19.1 billion‘.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer has made clear the rebate is a discretionary grant which is subject to annual renegotiation: ‘It is not a unilateral decision of the British Treasury or the British Government to just say, “This is our rebate. We are entitled to it. Pay up”. The way this works and has always worked is there is a negotiation with the European Commission’.

The rebate has no basis in the Treaties. It’s only existence is in article 5 of Council Decision 2014/335/EU. This expires in 2021, so the rebate could be abolished entirely in the event of a vote to stay.

We pay over £10 billion which we never see again. The UK’s net contribution to the EU was £10.6 million in 2015.

The UK has no control over the money the EU spends in the UK. The European Commission itself states that ‘funding is managed according to strict rules to ensure there is tight control over how funds are used’. EU funding also costs money which could be saved. For example, since 2005, England has incurred £642 million in ‘disallowance’ penalties from the European Commission for failing to properly implement the common agricultural policy. This waste could be eliminated entirely if we spent our money ourselves.

 

JPMorgan is a major donor to the IN campaign, called the euro wrong and spends millions lobbying Brussels.

JPMorgan has donated a sum of £500,000 to the pro-EU Britain Stronger in Europe campaign.

The Vice Chairman, Investment Banking at JPMorgan, Lord Renwick of Clifton was a member of the Council of Britain in Europe, the failed campaign to scrap the pound and to ratify the European Constitution.

JPMorgan warned the UK could be left ‘isolated’ outside the ‘single currency’: ‘This time round, as the investment bank JP Morgan noted yesterday: “A ‘yes’ vote could leave the UK isolated as the only one of the 15 European Union members without a clear timetable for entry’… As the JP Morgan analysis notes, if that happened: “Investors are unlikely to react positively to the rejection of the single currency by a country that has been a member of the EU for 27 years, with a fixed exchange rate for 18 years’.

JPMorgan claimed that staying out of the ‘single currency’ would lead to banks relocating to the rest of the EU: ‘Despite all this, JPMorgan does not see “Project 1992” as the real threat to London. Potentially more dangerous is the distant prospect of a single currency and central bank. JP Morgan argues that financial business would be likely to gravitate to the place where such a central bank operated, although policy-making could be split from the operations – as the US Federal Reserve is divided between Washington and New York. At least JP Morgan reckons London has a fair claim to be the operating centre’ (Independent, 20 September 1988).

In 2015, JPMorgan spent between €1,250,000 and €1,499,999 lobbying the European Commission.

It has been noted that: ‘JP Morgan Chase says its lobbying costs in Brussels went up from €50,000 in 2013 to between €1,250,000 and €1,499,999 in 2014 – a 30-fold increase’.

 

JPMorgan was a major cause of the global financial crisis and had to pay out $13 billion for its wrongdoing.

In November 2013, JPMorgan reached a $13 billion settlement with the Department of Justice ‘for Misleading Investors About Securities Containing Toxic Mortgages‘. ‘As part of the settlement, JPMorgan acknowledged it made serious misrepresentations to the public’.

The United States Attorney General Eric Holder said: ‘the conduct uncovered in this investigation helped sow the seeds of the mortgage meltdown‘, and said JPMorgan had ‘knowingly bundle[d] toxic loans and [sold] them to unsuspecting investors’.

Associate Attorney General Tony West said the bank ‘helped create a financial storm‘ and that ‘the conduct JPMorgan has acknowledged – packaging risky home loans into securities, then selling them without disclosing their low quality to investors – contributed to the wreckage of the financial crisis’.

 

Jamie Dimon is paid $27 million a year, eighteen times his basic salary. His remuneration above his basic salary could buy three more Border Force cutters.

Jamie Dimon was paid $27 million in 2015, a 35% pay rise. His basic salary is $1.5 million, one eighteenth of his total pay package.

Mr Dimon’s remuneration above his basic salary is $25.5 million or £16.7 million. This could pay for an additional three border force cutters: the cost of procuring a border force cutter is £4.3 million..

 

JPMorgan pays for advice from pro-EU lobbyist Tony Blair.

Blair has been paid around £2 million per year as a part time adviser to JP Morgan.